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Thhese days present a quite unusual occurrence: the inaugural US procession of the babysitters. Their qualifications differ in their skills and attributes, but they all have the common mission – to prevent an Israeli infringement, or even devastation, of Gaza’s fragile ceasefire. Since the war finished, there have been scant days without at least one of Donald Trump’s representatives on the scene. Just this past week featured the arrival of a senior advisor, Steve Witkoff, a senator and a political figure – all arriving to carry out their roles.

The Israeli government engages them fully. In just a few short period it executed a series of attacks in Gaza after the loss of a pair of Israeli military soldiers – leading, according to reports, in scores of local casualties. Multiple leaders urged a resumption of the fighting, and the Knesset approved a early measure to incorporate the West Bank. The American response was somehow between “no” and “hell no.”

However in several ways, the Trump administration seems more intent on preserving the existing, uneasy stage of the truce than on advancing to the following: the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip. Regarding that, it appears the US may have ambitions but few concrete plans.

At present, it remains unknown at what point the planned international governing body will actually take power, and the identical is true for the designated military contingent – or even the makeup of its members. On Tuesday, a US official declared the US would not force the composition of the foreign unit on the Israeli government. But if the prime minister's cabinet continues to dismiss multiple options – as it acted with the Turkish offer this week – what happens then? There is also the contrary issue: which party will decide whether the forces preferred by the Israelis are even willing in the mission?

The issue of how long it will take to disarm Hamas is similarly unclear. “The aim in the administration is that the international security force is will now assume responsibility in demilitarizing Hamas,” stated Vance lately. “That’s going to take a period.” Trump only highlighted the uncertainty, saying in an conversation recently that there is no “fixed” deadline for the group to demilitarize. So, hypothetically, the unnamed elements of this yet-to-be-formed international force could arrive in Gaza while Hamas members continue to remain in control. Are they dealing with a leadership or a guerrilla movement? Among the many of the questions arising. Some might ask what the verdict will be for average civilians as things stand, with Hamas persisting to focus on its own opponents and critics.

Recent events have yet again emphasized the blind spots of local journalism on the two sides of the Gazan border. Each outlet strives to examine every possible perspective of Hamas’s breaches of the truce. And, usually, the reality that Hamas has been hindering the return of the bodies of deceased Israeli hostages has monopolized the headlines.

Conversely, attention of non-combatant fatalities in Gaza caused by Israeli operations has garnered scant notice – if at all. Take the Israeli retaliatory actions in the wake of Sunday’s southern Gaza event, in which a pair of military personnel were killed. While Gaza’s sources reported 44 casualties, Israeli television commentators complained about the “moderate answer,” which focused on only infrastructure.

This is typical. During the previous few days, the media office charged Israel of breaking the ceasefire with Hamas 47 times after the truce began, causing the death of 38 Palestinians and wounding an additional many more. The assertion appeared unimportant to the majority of Israeli media outlets – it was simply ignored. That included information that eleven members of a Palestinian household were killed by Israeli soldiers recently.

Gaza’s civil defence agency stated the group had been trying to return to their home in the Zeitoun district of Gaza City when the vehicle they were in was fired upon for reportedly passing the “boundary” that demarcates territories under Israeli military control. That yellow line is invisible to the human eye and appears just on plans and in official records – sometimes not obtainable to ordinary people in the region.

Yet this event scarcely received a note in Israeli journalism. Channel 13 News referred to it shortly on its website, referencing an Israeli military spokesperson who said that after a suspicious car was spotted, soldiers discharged cautionary rounds towards it, “but the transport continued to move toward the troops in a fashion that posed an direct threat to them. The forces opened fire to eliminate the threat, in accordance with the agreement.” No fatalities were claimed.

Given this framing, it is little wonder many Israeli citizens feel the group alone is to at fault for breaking the ceasefire. That belief risks encouraging calls for a stronger stance in Gaza.

At some point – perhaps in the near future – it will not be enough for American representatives to act as supervisors, instructing the Israeli government what not to do. They will {have to|need